Showing posts with label Workers Power NZ. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Workers Power NZ. Show all posts

US SECRET WAR IN THE PACIFIC

A tale of nuclear 'liquidations'
On the 25th of March 2002, former NZ PM David Lange made the extraordinary claim that the former US Vice-President Dan Quayle, threatened him with "liquidation" [assassination]. The general response so far has ranged from out right ridicule, "did he mean 'liposuction'?" to " substantiate or shut up" as made by most political commentators. "Preposterous" said the US embassy in Wellington.

"A juicy anecdote of history, but little more" was one opinion being pushed by the editor of the Evening Post-INL [29th March 02]. Total ignorance of the story by the pro-US NZ herald-W&H immediately the day after Lange's claim was revealed, and only as a side comment day's later in an article about Helen Clark's trip to the US, only added to the attempt to put a dampener on the issue. Indirectly, Lange's claim was made to the Australian Govt. cabinet by Dan Quayle during a US state visit in April 1989, and only relayed to him through a phone conversation by one of the cabinet ministers present at the meeting. Lange himself plans to give substance to the allegation in a book to be released at a later date. Lets take a closer look at the issue and decide if there is substance to the claim.

When New Zealand declared itself "nuclear free" in 1984, it was at least a minor victory for a major player in the Pacific region where attempts to throw off the last vestiges of colonialism by smaller nations was being thwarted by the big powers by violent means wherever they thought they could get away with it. The difficulty with dealing with New Zealand was the fact that it was a predominantly Anglo English speaking and populated country with a long tradition of supporting imperialist causes everywhere. A "military solution" would quite easily have been the answer had this not been the case.

In anticipation of the likely backlash from the imperialist powers, principally the US, the peace movement was monitoring all attempts to undermine the no-nukes stand taken by New Zealand. Already it was revealed that a CIA plot to wreak economic sabotage on NZ was being hatched by operatives in Hawaii. The US ducked for cover as soon as the plot was made public; refusing to comment once they were put in the spot light. All eyes were on NZ, so the US had no chance to attempt any kind of covert action away from the prying gaze of the worlds media.

As a "power" in the region, NZ gave confidence to struggles in other Island nations similarly holding views against nuclear colonisers. Principal among these small Island nations was the Micronesian Republic of Belau [ Palau], which was the first nation in the world to declare a nuclear free constitution in 1979. With the blessing of the UN, the US became the island groups administrating authority in 1947. The "No-Nukes" constitution of 1979 was arrogantly considered a bit of a joke by the US and so was not adversely acted upon until NZ entered into the picture in 1984.

At Suva Fiji in April 1975, a draft Peoples' Charter for a Nuclear-Free Pacific was produced to become the basis of the charter adopted at the first South Pacific Forum in 1975. As a part of US Micronesia, Belau was directly affected by US nuclear testing. Names like Bikini Atoll, Kwajalein and Enewetak to name but a few, have become synonymous with this nightmare with many of their populations being displaced to Belau and other islands, the result of their home islands being destroyed because of US nuclear "FREEDOM and DEMOCRACY" Bullshit.

As background to the US involvement in the affairs of Belau, it is important to look at the so-called "Compact of Free Association." It stated that the US would retain control over Belauan military and foreign policy while being allowed to operate nuclear capable and propelled vessels and aircraft, and to use fully one third of its land for military purposes. The problem for the US has been an overwhelming rejection on seven occasions by the Belauan people not to recognise the "compact", Two attempts by the US to overturn Belaus anti-nuclear constitution were also rejected by the people during a forced vote contaminated by US threats of economic blackmail and violence.

For the US, there was only one course of action left to take against those who dared to defy their interests. In 1985, just days before the Greenpeace vessel "Rainbow Warrior" was sunk in Auckland harbour by French state terrorists killing Fernando Pereira, the first President of the Republic of Belau, Haruo Remeliik, was assassinated. Voted into office on a very strong anti-nuclear ticket, he more than most represented the symbol of his nations struggle against US imperialism.

Immediately, the finger was pointed at the United States. Anti-nuclear supporters in Belau were swift to lay the blame at the hands of the CIA. The response typically from the US was that Remeliik's death was the result of an internal struggle within his own political party. Given the history of the official policy of the CIA to conduct political assassinations, it seemed more than likely that the US was up to its old tricks. The murder of Bedor Bins, the father of two leading opponents of the "compact", in 1987 and the fire bombings of the homes of anti-compact supporters, all pointed toward an orchestrated campaign by pro-US/compact forces.

The final straw came in 1988, with the death of Belau's second President, Lazarus Salii. "Death by suicide, the result of an internal financial scandal", was the official position taken by the US State Dept. Extreme pressure by the US on Salii to sack government workers unless they voted in favour of the "compact", was more likely the reason for his demise, together with having to be forced to compromise the Constitution. Before his death, he was forced to lay off two-thirds of workers. He could no longer live with the shame. At the same time, several plaintiffs in an anti-compact lawsuit were threatened with death and fire bombings including a judge who had presided over the case by pro-US/ compact supporters. [see Overreaching in Paradise by Sue Rabbitt Roff.]

When the newly elected Fiji Labour government of Dr Timoci Bavadra declared that it was going to initiate a similar anti-nuclear policy to that of NZ, measures were taken by conservative pro-US forces in Fiji to undermine that policy. However as history shows, the pretext for the coup of 1987 was to be a perversion of indigenous struggles happening elsewhere in the Pacific. [see Class Struggle #33] The complete removal of a government as in the case of Fiji showed that an anti-nuclear policy could be reversed by forcibly overthrowing a democratic government by appealing to reactionary chiefly structures and vested financial interests. Those interests of course would have to be US.

During this period, much attention was focused on the no-nukes debate, with NZ leading the vanguard and this brought about a close political scrutiny. The US was very careful to watch its step, aware of the accusations flying around about its conduct in Micronesia. For there to be a change in Fiji's anti-nuclear position, it would be necessary for the US to shift the focus away from the nuclear issue to something completely different - INDIGENOUS RIGHTS! The world attention focused on Fiji would also have been a problem for the US to deal with at the time. The CIA's killers decided for now, "we'll hold fire."

In other Pacific territories, the anti-colonial struggle for independence has by implication also been anti-nuclear. The struggle for the people of Kanaky [New Caledonia] against French rule is a good example. Never known to shy away from pretentious PR like the US, France made sure that Kanak blood flowed with the assassinations of all of the FLNKS top leadership, including Eloi Machoro who was killed only months before Haruo Remeliik in Belau, the sinking of the Rainbow Warrior, and the killing of Jean Marie Tjibaou in 1989 by a pro-French reactionary. The massacre by French troops on the island of Ouvea in 1988 of Kanak liberation fighters, was the single most bloody outrage committed by imperialist forces during the whole anti-nuclear/ colonialist period of the 1980's. [See Blood On Their Banner: Nationalist Struggles in the South Pacific by David Robie.]

Half a world away in far off Sweden, the 1986 killing of Swedish Socialist Prime Minister Olaf Palme, also had an anti-nuclear component to it. In the 1960's, he took a very strong line against US aggression in Vietnam with Socialism, Peace and Solidarity as his main themes. He sheltered many Vietnam draft dodgers from the US. A position the US was never going to forget or forgive. Speculation still abounds about his killers. One suggestion is that he was the victim of a South African hit squad operating as part of " Operation Long Reach", the apartheid era's attempt to eliminate key opponents to its regime. Quite plausible, considering he was killed only one week after giving a speech at an anti-apartheid rally. Whatever one chooses to believe, the forces of money-grubbing imperialism were no doubt implicated in the Palme assassination.

The mainstream media in NZ, while being entranced by the over flowing hype of "Lord of the Rings", has decided to align itself with many on the right -wing and give the benefit of the doubt to the US. Unfortunately, much of the comment from other quarters supposedly more progressive, have tended to dismiss the Lange comments without any recognition being given to the historical context and personalities involved during the period in which they were said. Recent comments by ACT leader Richard Prebble that the threats were "all in Mr Lange's mind", only add to the "preposterous" line taken by the US Embassy. While in Washington to meet US President George W Bush, NZ Prime Minister Helen Clark said the alleged threat to David Lange was "pretty unlikely" and had no intention of raising the matter again.

Unfortunately for the forces of opposition to US imperialism in Aotearoa/ NZ and that includes the Peace Movement, the issue has passed without even the slightest serious consideration being given to making this an important issue. There is every likelihood that the US under the present climate, will actively re-ignite some of its more direct action against those seeking to challenge its interests and that the "veiled threats" that Lange spoke, will become open and explicit.

A so called secret report made to the US Congress on January 8th 2002, that listed unsurprisingly countries that are officially designated for nuclear attack and include China, Russia, Iraq, North Korea, Iran, Libya, and Syria [genocide by another name], shows quite openly the US intention to commit the most unbelievable crimes. Why should the NZ public balk at the idea that its former Prime Minister "is a bit gone in the head?" Think about it!

From Class Struggle 44 April/May 2002

The US, Australia, NZ and East Timor [April 1999]

AFTER 23 bloody years it seems that Timor is about to get its independence, or is it? Far from being a response to pressure from below, these latest proposals from Habibie have come from above – from the Clinton-led US insisting that Indonesia resolve its human rights problem in Timor and find a 'political solution' in the name of 'democracy'.

Or is this a suberfuge to mount a civil war? A civil war would make a referendum difficult and even defeat an independence vote.

Indonesia may pull out its troops but it has been arming anti-independence para militaries for the last few months. Reports carried in the Australian Green Left Weekly stated that Indonesian troops are reactivating the paramilitaries and "planning to distribute 20,000 weapons". Some of the paramilitaries are from outside East Timor, but many are unemployed and displaced East Timorese.

We can be forgiven for some cynicism. How did the situation in East Timor arise? Can it be the world's no 1 imperialist power is about to give away any rights to super-exploit this small Pacific Island just like any other?

In 1974 Portugal was kicked out of its African colonies and out of East Timor by Fretilin the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor. Within months 30,000 Indonesian troops invaded the country and established the bloody regime that has lasted for nearly 25 years against the opposition of the people and their resistance movement.

Some 200,000 thousand people, about a third of the original population, have died during the occupation. Their leaders have been assassinated or like Xanana Gusmao, imprisoned.

Why then, after nearly 25 years do Habibie and other political leaders including the Foreign Minister Ali Alatas- talk of as referendum on independence? Is this for real or is there some fly in the ointment? Maybe Habibie is hoping that the thousands of migrants who have been re-settled in East Timor will swing the balance. Maybe he hopes that armed right wing factions will disrupt the referendum and defeat a vote for independence?

Is this a victory for the democracy movement in Indonesia that forced the resignation of Suharto and is pressing for major constitutional changes? Or is it merely a ploy to delude the masses into accepting a few cosmetic changes under the name of 'human rights' while the old regime of brutal capitalist rule continues

There is no doubt that the US wants to keep the Habibie regime in power so that it can deliver on the IMF deal imposed after Indonesia's economic collapse last year. To do this without imposing a Suharto type military regime, Habibie has to appear the democrat and head off Sukarnoputri and the movement for democratic reforms.

This is why the U.S. Senate recently passed a resolution calling on Indonesia to introduce democratic reforms including the self-determination of East Timor.

Workers should not be taken in by the promotion of human rights by the US. The nature of US imperialism has not changed since 1965 when if backed and partly funded Suharto's bloody coup and his ruthless slaughter of up to one million workers and peasants who were in the Communist Party or happened to be Chinese. The US did not object to the invasion of East Timor either.

Nor did the US allies in the South Pacific Australia and New Zealand. They dutifully lined up behind the US and refused to question the role of Indonesia or support the right to self-determination of the East Timoreans.

NZ support in 1975.

It was hardly an accident that on the very day that Indonesia dispatched its troops to East Timor, December. 6, 1975, President Ford and Secretary of State Kissinger were visiting Jakarta.

As Chomsky points out, this was not surprising – the US had already engineered the overthrow of Sukarno when he told them "Go to hell with your aid". Sukarno had had enough of US bribery and corruption, and CIA subversion and dirty tricks under the pretext of "aid". Behind this humanitarian smokescreen the US was preparing to replace Sukarno with Suharto in 1965 and launch a massive massacre of workers, peasants and communists.

By 1975 the US made no secret of its growing alarm that Indonesia could still be the next state to fall to the wicked communism after Vietnam. The US had just lost its war in Indochina. Vietnam and Cambodia had fallen to the dreaded "communism". The US was paranoid about East Timor falling to the Fretilin and becoming a new "Cuba" of the Pacific. It would become a beacon for all other liberation and anti-imperialist movements in the region and So for the second time in a decade, the US sponsored an anti-communist pogrom – this time the suppression of Fretelin.

The payoff of this decade of blood for US imperialism was the virtual destruction of one of the most powerful working class movements in Asia. This has allowed an unchallenged ripping off of massive super profits it has pumped out of Indonesia for 25 years. Hungry for the rich pickings of oil timber and other mineral, Mobil, Atlantic Richfield, Tenneco, Union Carbide, Goodyear Tire and Rubber, Alcoa, Freeport Sulphur and Uniroyal made big killings. Cheap labour also attracted US, and other MNCs, like Nike into clothing and footwear production.

Indonesia's recent crisis has only made US (and other imperialist companies) even more hungry for control over its rich resources and labour. The collapse of the economy had nothing to do with Indonesia's potential wealth. It was caused by a combination of corruption at the top (Suharto's family ripped off US$50 billion) and the greed of US (and other banks) for a larger share of the wealth.

Under the current regime of IMF imposed austerity, the opportunity for US banks and firms to take complete control of Indonesia's economy is what is behind the US campaign for human rights. It is a democratic smokescreen behind which US interests will takeover the whole economy.

This in the final analysis is what explains the about turn of the US and its regional client states, Australia and New Zealand on East Timor. The assets and resources of the region which are currently jointly managed with the Indonesian state will be privatised and bought-up by the giant MNC's as part of the IMF plan to restore the Indonesian economy. The most profitable carve-up will be Pertamina which oversees the huge oil fields in the Timor

Carving up Pertamina.

Pertamina, Indonesia's state owned oil monopoly is about to be broken up and privatised. The Dec 24, 1998, Far Eastern Economic Review reports "as the spirit of reform spreads in Indonesia," legislation is working its way through the parliament that would break up Pertamina's monopoly in refining, distributing and selling oil. The resulting competition—from foreign oil companies—will help the government "peel away subsidies that provide Indonesians with some of the world's cheapest petrol, diesel fuel and kerosene."

The drive to break up Pertamina is coming from foreign investors who criticize it as corrupt and inefficient. One executive at a Western oil company said, "What we want is Pertamina off our backs so we can regain control of our businesses."..."Pertamina's backers are taking shelter behind a web of laws rooted in the 1945 constitution," says the Review, "stipulating that Indonesia's natural resources belong to the state and that economic areas affecting people's livelihood shouldn't be in private hands."

It is obvious that the US oil sisters like Mobil and Atlantic Richfield using the racist attacks on Asian values and Suharto's corruption to justify their takeover of the nationalised oil industry. In their mad rush to cream off the super-profits from oil they are being cheered on by their little brothers and sisters in the South Pacific – Australia and New Zealand.

No faith in the US-Indonesia fake independence moves!

No Indonesian or UN sponsored referendum!

For immediate release of all political prisoners! Return all refugees!

For the immediate removal of all Indonesian troops!

For the immediate disarming of anti-independence paramilitaries!

For the formation of Workers and Peasants councils and armed militia!

From Class Struggle No 26 March-April 1999

Declaration of the Proletarian Faction of the LRCI: 1995

This statement contains the main arguments fo the Proletarian Faction formed within Workers Power NZ, a section of the League for a Revolutionary Communist International (LRCI), in July 1995. It documents the development an a factional struggle over the reversion to right-centrism of the LRCI on the question of capitalist restoration, Bosnia etc. Fundamentally the struggle revealed a divergence in method between our conception of dialectics and the League's impressionism. Some of the documents referred to are also in the CWG or LCMRCI archives on this site. Those which are not can be obtained by emailing CWG.

This statement is an updated and extended version of the earlier statement "For a Proletarian Faction" dated the 18 June 1995. Despite the clear differences between the method, theory and programme of the faction and that of the LRCI, a common response was to ridicule the faction statement as "a joke", "not serious", not having a "sufficiently different programme" to justify a faction. Faction members therefore undertook to produce a much more detailed statement to make it clear to those who have difficulty understanding where the Faction differs from the LRCI, precisely what our differences are, and why they exist.

Introduction.

Like the rest of the post-war Trotskyist left, the LRCI has failed to break decisively from centrism. "Centrism is the name applied to that policy which is opportunist in substance and which seeks to appear as revolutionary in form. Opportunism consists of a passive adaptation to the ruling class and its regime, to that which already exists, including, or course, the state boundaries. Centrism shares completely this fundamental trait of opportunism, but in adapting itself to the dissatisfied workers, centrism veils it by means of radical commentaries". ["Independence of the Ukraine and Sectarian Muddleheads" Trotsky, Writings, 39-40. p.54.]It moved left from centrism in the 1970's to produce an apparently Trotskyist analysis of the degeneration of the Fourth International [FI] and the Degenerate(d) Workers' States [dws] in the early 1980's.Specifically The Death Agony of the FI and The Degenerated Revolution published in 1981 and the Trotskyist Manifesto published in 1989. However, by the late 1980's, as a small international tendency of around 100, it along with the rest of the left was subjected to the massive reactionary pressures of imperialist crisis and the collapse of the DWS's. The LRCI's Trotskyist "orthodoxy" was shown to be hollow.Its method is devoid of dialectics. Its failure to learn the lessons of the collapse of the FI meant that its break from the Cliffites was incomplete and that rather than developing a revolutionary response to the crisis of Stalinism, the LRCI collapsed back into centrism.

Succumbing to its isolation from the class struggle, and the pressure of democratic counter-revolution, a growing gap between theory and practice has arisen. While the LRCI pronounces orthodox Trotskyist positions on method, political economy and the restoration of capitalism in the DWS's, in reality it has a one-sided abstracted Trotskyism which argues for a "revolutionary period" since 1989 and still-existing "moribund workers states". These upbeat historical abstractions coexist with and cover a passive propaganda role in the class struggle which is evidenced by the League's capitulation to the "progressive" nature of democratic imperialism.

The events of this period are every bit as momentous as those after WW2, if not more so. According to the LRCI the collapse of the workers'states would be every bit at catastrophic as the events of the 1930's. As such the end of the workers' states would constitute the supreme test of Marx's dialectical method. But the LRCI has failed to survive the test. Like the centrist FI after the Second World War, the League's inability to recognise the end of the Workers's states and the nature of the period as counter-revolutionary, demonstrates that it has become disoriented by events and liquidated its role as a revolutionary vanguard. That this should have happened comes as no surprise to us, given the history of our relations with the LRCI.

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